Uncertain over their own mandate, with nuances of ridiculousness resulting from their behavior of a headless chicken, Kosovo's leaders have become subject of a very dark image among their own people.

Such modus-operandi was understandable until the day of the declaration of independence, but not thereafter. Everyone knows and acknowledges the fact that this independence is super conditioned and has tremendous strings attached to it, the most prominent ones being lack of - or limited - authority for the local institutions. But nonetheless, everyone expects some level of persistence showing the internationals that after all, it is us that govern the people. Perhaps governance should not even be used in this context.

 

The mere fact that the European Union is even negotiating with Belgrade with regards to EULEX’s radius of operation in Kosovo is a bad omen. It suggests nothing but the confrontation with the decision taken to recognize Kosovo; it devaluates the common voice which in February declared for the fact that Kosovo had to become independent of a country which a decade ago started brutally oppressing ethnic Albanians; negotiating with Belgrade means the EU is questioning their own policies for Western Balkans. And this is no good. This gives Belgrade room for experimentation, it gives them possibilities to play around with Europe, and to ridicule the authority of Kosovo’s institutions and leaders. Double game for Serbia’s leaders, and double victory so far.

Among the points that Serbia asks EU’s mission to not apply, is Ahtisaari’s plan when it comes to taking a stance with regards to Kosovo’s independence. Now, this is the very corner stone of Eulex: applying Ahtisaari’s plan. What is the point for Eulex to settle in Kosovo if it is not mandated to follow guidelines as stated in Ahtisaari’s proposal? The question is: there is no point.

The other aspect of this whole mess created because of Europe’s stance towards Serbia, which has been one of appeasement, is that throughout all this time, Kosovo’s institutions have been left aside, as if Kosovo was still under UN administration and not an independent country with her own representatives. This bothers me personally, as I am sure it is worrying for all my countrymen. It’s easy to put the blame on the international community (and the truth is, it should be put on them), but on the other hand, lack of insistence by the side of local institutions has been an extremely disadvantageous factor. In foreign policy, there is an important bond that has to be maintained - under all circumstances - between the policy makers and the domestic public. It is common sense to acknowledge that foreign policy making is not an easy task, and that there is always a number of actors involved which signifies a larger complexity to the situation. However, since the public at home may not always be informed about what is going on in the international arena, the foreign policy makers (in our case the Prime Minister and the President, more so than the FM) should have at all times kept the people informed about what is going on, and what they are able to do and what restricts them from taking action. Silence in situations like this makes people furious, and as long as they don’t have an answer to their question, they pose a threat to the existence of the government and to their authority.

Usually, there exist significant differences between the public at home (which may or may not be very informed about the developments abroad) and the foreign policy makers. (In this case, there is a clear-cut understanding by the domestic public about what is happening, and what is at stake). But, in most of the cases, there is an unquestioned consensus on what is called national aspiration. Both the foreign policy representatives and the people share the same goal on what is in the interest of the country. After all, it’s the people who have chosen them as their ‘speakers’.

Practically, the people are innocent in what is called the ability to differ parallel authorities. Ever since the declaration of independence in February 17th this year, Kosovar authorities have found themselves in a position which has paralyzed them each time it came to taking action or speaking out against injustices. It is sickening and very sad to see them unable to exercise the power their own constitution vests on them. Since the above mentioned date, we have seen constant shows of power and authority by UNMIK reps, especially so in Mitrovica’s northern part. And understandably so, this has made Albanians angry, and more so when they were denied access to their own properties. What was the government’s response to these developments? A very low-profile reaction by the government, like in many other instances when foreign affairs where subject, has led to different actors - Belgrade being one - to think that Kosovo’s authorities are really nothing but a show of puppets being played with by the international community. We should not even go into the matter of the constitution, for it’s virtually non-existent in practice.

It is by no means anyone’s attention to attack certain groups, people, institutions or whatsoever. It is simply annoying and sad to see this cycle of non-powered institutions of independent Kosovo be put in places where normally the last word is said, and yet, they have no word. As pessimistic as it may sound, we really see nothing as far as independency is concerned in terms of governance. On the contrary, we see absolute dependency on (and conditionality by) the international community for making decisions and acting; and what’s worse, local institutions of Kosovo and their existence are subject to Europe’s policies, as well as her behavior vis-a-vis Belgrade. What has actually happened is that Kosovo has moved from one violent administration (Serbia) to another non-violent - international - one (UNMIK); and after that to another similar one (supposedly EULEX). We see the même patterns of functionality by these two last administrations which now have different connotations, but not different and or more efficient political, civil or administrative platforms.