New York. Governments worldwide are taking extreme measures to prevent their countries from sliding into depression. Albania and Kosovo, with significant remittances from their respective émigré communities in the West combined with the highest unemployment rates in Europe, stand in the middle of a perfect economic storm. In the coming months Kosovo and Albania can expect a decrease in remittances, decrease in foreign aid and investment, and increase in unemployment domestically and among its diaspora communities. The question is what are Prishtina and Tirana doing to soften the economic impact?
In Albania and Kosovo a large segment of society relies on remittances
sent from family members working mostly in Europe. According to
Albanian and international organizations there are approximately
800,000 Albanian émigrés (Albanians from Albania), primarily
concentrated in Greece and Italy. The remittances from these émigrés
account for an estimated 13% of Albania’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP),
total market value of all the goods and services produced in one year.
Kosovar émigrés in the West total approximately 500,000, with majority
residing in Switzerland and Germany. Their remittances account for
about 30% of Kosovo’s GDP, according to the US State Department.
Majority of both Kosovar and Albanian émigré communities are employed
in the service sectors in their respective host countries. The
service sectors are already feeling the repercussions from the
recession. In England Polish workers are returning to their homeland
due to the sudden drop in the construction industry and the high cost
of living standards in the West.
But unlike the more stable economies of the former Eastern Block,
Albania (where the unemployment is estimated at 16%) and Kosovo (where
the unemployment rate is estimated at 50%) a plunge in remittance is
expected to have a serious impact on the local economy and on the
respective political environment. The return of Kosovar immigrants to
Kosovo could lead to the strengthening of more nationalistic forces
that find themselves politically and economically sidelined as
Prishtina and the West seek ways to woo the Serb community into
Kosovo’s governing structures.
Both Albania and Kosovo (more so Kosovo) can be categorized as consumer
societies. In addition to remittances both countries rely on foreign
investment and international aid. The international community has
pledged 1.2 billion Euros (estimated 40% of Kosovo’s GDP) in aid in the
coming year for Kosovo while Albania averages 300 million Euros in aid
annually and over 400 million Euros in foreign investment. The
international community is expected to uphold its aid commitment for
the current financial cycle. However, as donor countries have begun to
bail out their own financial institutions, a direct consequence to
Kosovo and to Albania may be cut backs on international aid. In
addition foreign investments are also expected to decrease
dramatically. Albania and Kosovo’s highly volatile markets will, at
best, attract a handful of investors in search of bargain basement
deals.
If the financial crisis continues to spiral further out of control,
Albania and Kosovo should brace themselves for an increase in
unemployment and a significant drop in their respective GDPs. As Europe
slides further into recession, a significant number of ethnic
Albanians working abroad can expect to lose their jobs. In addition to
loss of employment among the diaspora it should come as no surprise to
either Prishtina or Tirana that repatriation of the Albanians to the
homelands by Western European may soon follow.
What can Kosovo and Albania leaders do to lessen the impact of these
economic hardships? The suggestions below are by no means a solution
but in an “every person for themselves” environment, Prishtina and
Tirana should begin to develop economic strategies to deal with the
economic crisis. To begin with Prishtina and Tirana could place a
temporary halt on the privatization of operational medium and large
enterprises. With the global economy strapped for cash it’s unlikely
that either Kosovo or Albania will receive fair market prices for their
nationally owned enterprises. For example, the privatization of
telecommunication and energy sectors, which tend to employ a
significant number of workers, might bring much needed cash to a
shrinking State budget, but with a heavy cost to the fragile social and
economic environment in the form of additional layoffs. Prishtina and
Tirana may want to consider holding off on privatizing sectors that
will lead to layoffs. Contrary to popular belief, privatization in the
short run does not lead to an increase in employment. At the same time
Tirana and Prishtina could accelerate the selling of companies that
have long been out of service. A fixed portion from these sales could
be used to establish a “Temporary Unemployment Support Fund”. This
Fund could be used to stimulate job creation and alleviate poverty.
Further funding can be allocated from the State budget and from
international aid partners who could temporary re-direct committed aid
to the Fund.
Tirana and Prishtina should begin negotiations with the major
international lending institutions for emergency relief funds. In
particular both Kosovo and Albanian leaders should negotiate with IMF
for such loan assistance programs as the Compensatory and Contingency
Financing Facility (CCFF) and the Exogenous Shocks Facility. These
programs are bureaucratic in name and in process but would provide
Prishtina and Tirana with much needed funding to address the needs of
their citizens.
From Albania’s democratic movement to Kosovo’s independence, Albanian
diaspora communities have raised money, and assisted Tirana and
Prishtina in obtaining access to European decision makers. Tirana and
Prishtina should find ways to support their diaspora communities in
these times of need. This could include providing legal aid to the
diaspora to give them the tools to stay in the host country and access
the host country’s support systems, and support organizations that will
advocate against targeted repatriation by the host country. Prishtina
and Tirana cannot avoid the impact of the world financial crisis but
with a pro-active strategy they will get through the economic storm.
Fron Nahzi, Vice President, East West Management Institute, articles
have been published in leading European and US newspapers. For the
past 17 years he has been working in international development in
Eastern Europe and South East Asia.
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