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Arianit Dobruna
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 Graffiti in Prishtina By Arianit Dobruna - In 1999 the Kosovars took and won an incredible gamble against a regime that proved repeatedly its capacity for ruthlessness, with most of the hope on the hands of an international community that had also repeatedly failed to act in similar situations. |
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Arlind V. Bytyqi
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 Arlind V. Bytyqi
While Serbia is electing its president today, Kosovo Albanians have never been readier to declare their wish for secession and a declaration for independence. Kosovo’s government has stated that they are ready and that efforts are being put together for an independent Kosovar state to be announced very soon.
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Dijedon Ymeri
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 Remnants of a the historical castle of Artana/Novo Brdo During the recent months and even years, the issue of resolving the Kosovo conflict and giving it a proper political status, whether as an independent state or as an integrated part of Serbia, has been a burning topic for many of the leading nations and organizations of the world. |
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Kreshnik Hoxha
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 Prishtina It is part of the
daily routine in today's Kosovo to make a guess when exactly
independence will be declared. The Kosovo Albanians are eager to know a
clear date so that they start their arrangements for a spectacular
celebration whereas the Kosovo Serbs are desperate to know the date so
that they make the necessary arrangements to flee. The common ground of
both sides is that they are tired of witnessing a tedious
120-day-long negotiating process whose failure was guaranteed.
"Independence due before
May" are the words of Kosovo Unity Team spokesman that brings the
hopes up for the Kosovo Albanians. However, these words give rise to an
intimidating feeling for the Kosovo Serb minorities that have
segregated themselves into enclaves for the past 8 years of the UN
administration in Kosovo.
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Arlind V. Bytyqi
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 FINAL DESTINATION - EU Even though talks on Kosovo’s future status have been a waste of four months time, a period which could have caused unrest in the breakaway province, there is something both Belgrade and Prishtina share in terms of medium term political interests. It has not truly made the news, for the significance of the political status has outweighed the importance of the element on which both Serbia and Kosovo agree.
Just recently has it been referred to the idea that there is one issue which is appealing to both sides of the negotiating table, and that is EU integration. The degree to which this undisputed interest is present in both countries, however, is questionable, but what matters is that there is a common ground from where a new start can be launched. For Serbia, EU integration is seen from the perspective of a preserved Serbian state, suggesting for Kosovo to remain part of Serbia. On the other side, Kosovo Albanians see the process of tuning into the unified family of European states as an independent country. And this is where the conflict of interests surfaces. It is an archetype of contemporary Balkan politics, and an indicator of the immaturity and indetermination of some Balkan states to take issues forward to a commonly accepted solution. While we have two, practically and almost officially, separate states working for the same goal, routes which are to be followed by each of them differ tremendously.
This poses a serious challenge for EU foreign policy, too. Not only do they have to reach a consensus for the final solution of Kosovo’s political status, but in the very near future, they also have to see how the approach for EU integration by some Balkan states ought to be managed. Nevertheless, by the time EU has agreed upon a solution for the future status of Kosovo, the manner in which admission will happen is clear: two separate states integrating on individual basis.
Acknowledging this common aspiration, Serbia and Kosovo could be up for a new solution to their long dispute. Conscious of the fact that EU is the final destination for both countries, they could set grounds for bilateral undertakings towards reaching it. What remains to be solved, though, is getting Serbia to accept this modus operandi, because Kosovo Albanians have publicly declared that Europe is where they belong, and they are willing to travel there independently of Serbia.
Perhaps slightly more emphasis should have been put on this issue in the last four months, for while both sides presented their positions during the negotiations, few or no matters were found to be of common interest. Since time is up for this now, the EU should introduce new schemes for persuading Serbia to accept the new reality in the ground. This is in no way to say that there is still room for further talks between Serbia and Kosovo; it is to suggest that both states can work together on this common political agenda, which can signify the beginning of a new era for the people of Balkans.
By Arlind V. Bytyqi
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